The 67th anniversary tomorrow of the UN General Assembly’s Partition Resolution is intrinsically relevant to the recent decisions by several European parliaments and Sweden’s new leftwing government to recognize a State of Palestine. The UN Resolution of November 29, 1947 underscores the bias and hubris of the international community’s preachers-cum-omniscients.
Stockholm’s world-affairs neophytes – newly-elected Prime Minister Stefan Lofven and his foreign minister Margot Wallström – have ostensibly taken it upon themselves to educate us Israelis about our existential predicaments. It’s a safe bet they don’t care to know about pivotal UN Resolution 181.
We could regard their move as a self-serving attempt to curry favor with Sweden’s growing Muslim electorate. But we’ll be charitable and assume that it all springs from their misguided acceptance of the bogus axiom that a Palestinian state had existed from time immemorial and that it was cruelly overrun in an act of unprovoked aggression by Israel on June 5, 1967.
Ever since, it’s alleged, the state of Palestine had been under occupation. In other words, Israel had violently extinguished Palestine’s flourishing sovereignty. This is today’s self-evident, universally worshiped gospel. No substantiation thereof is necessary and any deviation therefrom is sacrilege.
Truth is strictly taboo, lest it expose the fraudulence of the entire premise. No one wants to know that there never-ever was a Palestinian state – not in all annals of mankind. There are advantages to deception, especially when it yields realpolitik perks. Thus the dysfunctional family of nations is more than happy to clasp to its selectively loving bosom another fictitious Arab addition.
This is where Resolution 181 becomes the vital touchstone. It goes right to the very heart of the conflict between Jews and Arabs – a conflict which had long predated Israel’s birth. This conflict isn’t and never was about a Palestinian state.
There would have been no strife were the establishment of such a state the ultimate objective of the Arab world. A Palestinian Arab state could have been declared independent in keeping with Resolution 181 – together with Israel – but no Arab would hear of it.
In Early November 30, 1947, a mere few hours after the resolution was adopted, embryonic Israel was thrust against its will into its War of Independence.
Initially November 30th couldn’t be differentiated from what preceded it – unprovoked Arab attacks on Jews wherever they could be ambushed, which was mostly on the roads (an Arab penchant well into the 21st Century). Moreover, by the 1949 Armistice there would be over 6000 Jewish dead, a full one-percent of the fledgling state’s beleaguered population.
And that wasn’t all. The blood-letting continued on-and-off during all ensuing decades. The greatest escalation was triggered by the 1993 “threat of peace” – by what false prophets, led by Shimon Peres, promised us was the dawning of the blissful Osloite era.
Peace victims,” as then-premier Yitzhak Rabin depicted them in his inimitable Orwellian Newspeak, are still being offered on the altar of an accommodation which hinges on the establishment of a Palestinian state – the very state which the Arab world rejected with vehement violence in 1947.
The Arabs’ failure to annihilate newborn Israel, and their follow-up masquerade as downtrodden innocents, made it desirable to omit from the memories of willingly bamboozled world-opinion and mercilessly indoctrinated Arab masses what happened 67 years ago on the outskirts of mundane Petach Tikva – in the very center of the Jewish heartland, right at home, hardly in a distant usurping empire.
That was when Arabs by their own conscious decision set off what they now bewail as their Nakba – the catastrophe that left many of them dispossessed and Israel sovereign and resilient beyond even its founders’ dreams.
Resolution 181, against which the entire Arab world rose up, called for the partition of western Palestine into two economically integrated states – one Jewish and one Arab. Eastern Palestine, comprising nearly 80% of the total, was arbitrarily ripped off by the British Mandate in 1922 and handed over to a princeling from what has since become known as Saudi Arabia. Emir Abdullah’s gift-package was artificially dubbed Transjordan, a country entirely unheard of in human history and whose counterfeit nationality is today labeled Jordanian.
Though on paper Jews received 54% of the remainder, they actually got three non-contiguous slivers. The largest of them included the Arava desert, eastern Negev and the Negev’s far south (down to then-nonexistent Eilat). Most of the moonscape terrain wasn’t arable and was certainly unsuitable for large-scale urban habitation.
Another bit was wedged in the eastern Galilee around Lake Kinneret. The most densely populated mini-slice was an unimaginably narrow noodle along the Mediterranean, where most Jews congregated and which was hair-raisingly vulnerable. Within it was enclosed the Arab enclave of Jaffa, while Nahariya was left outside the Jewish state.
Jerusalem and Bethlehem were to comprise a “corpus separatum,” an international zone, this notwithstanding the fact that Jerusalem boasted an undeniable Jewish majority going back at least to the beginning of the 19th Century (there were no censuses beforehand).
Nonetheless, organized Christianity couldn’t abide the affront of Jewish dominion in the Holy City and appeared not to mind the subsequent Jordanian invasion and occupation (for 19 years) of part of the city, the expulsion at gunpoint of its ancient Jewish community, the destruction of sacred Jewish sites and the banning of Jews from their Holiest of Holies.
Untenable and implausible though the 1947 hodgepodge partition was, Jewish multitudes rejoiced in the streets. At that moment it didn’t matter how nightmarish and absurd the disjointed territorial splinters assigned to them were.
What mattered was that for the first time in 2,000 years Jewish self-determination – if even on a ridiculously diminutive and fragile geographical fragment – appeared increasingly like a viable reality, despite immediate Arab hostility toward any compromise whatsoever with any Jewish entity. (Independence itself wouldn’t be formally proclaimed until the premature peevish British departure in mid-May, 1948 – instead of August).
Arab threats of genocide found their preliminary tangible expression as the Jews’ last exuberant outdoor celebrations were winding down in the early hours of November 30.
Egged bus #2094, carrying 21 passengers, left Netanya at 7:30 a.m. for Jerusalem. When it reached the Egyptian migrants’ hamlet of Fajja, a kilometer from Petach Tikva’s Syrkin Junction, the driver noticed three men waving to him. Assuming they were hitching a ride, he slowed down.
Critically too late, he detected a partially protruding machinegun under a coat. He tried to speed up but hand grenades and automatic fire sent his bus off the road and injured most its commuters. The marauders then climbed on board to finish off whoever couldn’t escape, including a husband trying desperately to revive his wounded wife.
A British officer, who chanced by later, discovered five bodies inside the bullet-riddled vehicle. They were later identified as Shalom Ya’ari of Netanya, Hanna Weiss of Jerusalem, Hirsh Stark of Jerusalem (70-years-old when murdered), Haya Yisraeli (24) from Netanya and Shoshana Mizrahi (22) of Netanya, traveling to her own wedding in Jerusalem. They were the War of Independence’s first official causalities.
The number soon rose to seven when a mere 25 minutes afterwards a second bus – going from Hadera to Jerusalem – was attacked in the identical manner nearby, probably by the same infamous Abu-Kishk gang.
On February 17, 1948 the IZL launched an offensive against Fajja and in April the Hagana finished the job. Nowadays Fajja is woefully lamented on every Nakba website, cited as the hapless Palestinian prey of Jewish interlopers. So much for Arab veracity.
And if the above account isn’t deemed sufficiently impartial for self-appointed Swedish adjudicators, they may benefit from referring to the records of the UN Palestine Commission. Set up as the executive instrument of Resolution 181, the commission was “charged with direct responsibility for implementing the measures recommended by the General Assembly.”
On January 14, 1948 Sir Alexander Cadogan, representative of Britain (which then ruled this land and was virulently antagonistic to incipient Jewish sovereignty) officially warned the Commission that “The Arabs had made it clear that they proposed to resist with all the forces at their disposal the implementation of the partition plan.” Subtext: their goal never was a Palestinian state.
Indeed, the Arabs not only boycotted the commission but threatened to attack its members. On January 19, 1948 the Arab Higher Council informed the UN that it “is determined to persist in rejecting partition and in refusing to recognize the UN Resolution and anything deriving therefrom.”
On January 21 Cadogan made a last ditch effort to prevent the implementation of the partition plan by predicting that soon the “Commission will be faced with the problem of how to avert certain bloodshed on a very much wider scale than prevails at present.” Genocidal Arab intents were no secret.
In this context Cadogan made his most blood-chilling observation – one which should still ring loud in our ears. He noted that the commission’s international status “will mean little or nothing to the Arabs in Palestine, to whom the killing of Jews now transcends all other considerations.”
This admission, from one who could never be accused of pro-Jewish tendencies, should be memorized by any foreign meddler who presumes to show us the light. The Arab bloodlust Cadogan described before Israel’s birth still exists.
On Israel’s first day, Arab League Secretary-General Abdul-Rahman Azzam Pasha, confirmed Arab priorities. Sending forth seven Arab armies to wipe out the “Zionist entity,” he declared: “This will be a war of extermination and a momentous massacre which will be spoken of like the Mongolian massacres and the Crusades.”
The Arab agenda and intentions were unambiguous. The creation of a Palestinian state wasn’t even considered. Syria, Jordan and Egypt had even devised their own plan for the partition of Palestine – among themselves.
The unvarnished truth is that even now the last thing Palestinians desire is an Arab Palestinian state dwelling in idyllic coexistence alongside a secure, accepted and recognized Jewish state. Honchos in both Ramallah and Gaza may cynically exploit the two-state catchphrase, but they never genuinely espoused the cause of two-state harmony.
But what do Lofven and Wallström care that the Arabs brazenly spawned and successfully market a lie?
Forgetting Resolution 181 is exceedingly expedient for the brainwashed Mideast and voluntarily gullible moral relativists in capitals like Stockholm. It’s too useful – even in snow-white Sweden – not to remember that the Arabs were never interested in a Palestinian state. All they ever wanted and still want is to destroy the Jewish state.